Balochistan’s Pashtun Question

The province’s people are not uniformly Baloch or Brahui

In the mainstream media, intelligentsia and even globally, Balochistan is assumed to be inhabited mainly by the Baloch, ignoring the historic presence of Pashtuns and other minorities. Balochistan is thus presented and understood through the prism of Baloch identity only and their grievances, some imagined, some genuine.It is generally perceived that Baloch are the largest ethnic group in the province. This perception is incorrect as anyone who speaks Balochi is considered a Baloch in the census, but that does not make it a Baloch-majority province. One of the widespread misconception about the Brahui speaking people, whether intentional or unintentional, is that they are of the same racial stock as the Baloch. Brahuis are not Baloch, in fact they are of Dravidian origin believed to be migrated from Kathiawar, India, as stated by British historians of the 19th century.

Balochistan is in fact a multi-ethnic,multi-racial province, where some believe that the Pashtuns are indeed the largest ethnic group. However, the common masses outside Balochistan are generally unaware of the presence of Pashtuns in Balochistan. Such ignorance has not only deprived Pashtuns and other ethnic groups of their due rights, but also added to the already existing issues in the province.

In future censuses, the ethnic groups should be included based on the language they speak and not on the basis of the caste so that the actual population of every ethnic group is represented . By doing so,the false perception that only Baloch live in this province can be eliminated. It will go a long way in managing the socio-economic and political dynamics of the province and will also have a very sobering effect on separatist Baloch/Brahui militants and foreign powers

Militancy and Baloch grievances basically relate to some south-eastern and southern parts of Balochistan. Most of Balochistan, where other communities live, get totally ignored when it comes to resolving the conflict of “Balochistan”. To lift the socio-economic wellbeing of all the races and ethnicities of Balochistan, one needs to understand the ethno-racial spread and deal with them for the ground realities peculiar to their areas, rather than see Balochistan only through the identity of the Baloch and their grievances.

This piece aims at taking stock of the ground realities of Balochistan focused on ethno-racial spread of the population, so that the other ethnicities living peacefully in most of Balochistan and their socio-economic issues having no associated threat of violence, can be addressed appropriately.

Balochistanhas never existed in history as a province with the existing boundaries. It emerged with the abolishing of One Unit in 1970 as a result of the merging of Quetta and Kalat Divisions.Looking back at history, in 1742, Nadir Shah Qachar, King of Persia, Khorasan and even Delhi, decided to divide his conquered territories into areas for better governance. He divided the Baloch migrants from Western Arabia settled in South-Eastern Persia into a province of Seistan-Balochistan and Kalati-Balochistan. He nominated a ruler at Kalat. Later, in 1757, Ahmad Shah Abdali named a Brahui, Mir Nasir, to be the Khan of Kalat.

The Khanate at that time was composed of Kharan, Mekran, and Las Bela, which are located in modern-day South-Central Balochistan. The British rule started in Kalati-Balochistan by snatching it away Afghanistan in1856. At the time of Independence in 1947, the present territory of Balochistan was a mix of several administrative units consisting of British-Balochistan, Kalat state, and its dependencies (Mekran, Kharan, and Las Bela). British-Balochistan also known as a Chief Commissioner’s province, became a reality in 1893. It comprised some Afghan territories occupied by the British during the secondAnglo-Afghan war (1879-1880), a small area of Kalati-Balochistan and some parts of Sindh. The name British Balochistan was a misnomer that received criticism even from the British officers including Sir Olaf Caroe, colonial governor of North West Frontier Province (NWFP) and Sir Herbert Aubrey Francis Metcalfe (Agent to the Governor-General for British Balochistan). The former believed that it should have been named British -Afghanistan while the latter believed that it should be named British Pathanistan.

In the wake of Pakistan’s creation, The Chief Commissioner’s province of British Balochistan became Quetta Division and Kalati Balochistan became Kalat Division. The present Balochistan came into being in 1970 when President Yahya Khan abolished the One Unit and by merging Quetta and Kalat Divisions created the province of Balochistan.The decision was immediately criticized byPashtun nationalists as they believed that the Pashtun territory of Balochistan should be either merged with NWFP (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) or the erstwhile British-Balochistan should have been turned into a separate province with any name other than Balochistan.

Intelligentsia, media and political public office holders have given almost none or very little attention to the existence of the Pashtun community when they discuss contemporary Balochistan. A long list of published academic works and literary festivals around the country focus on the Baloch grievances and presens so-called policy recommendations based on a narrow approach that does not include the Pashtuns or other communities residing in the province. Such ignorance provides a distorted and blurred understanding of Balochistan. All solutions provided to resolve the crisis in Southern Balochistan completely ignore the socio-economic issues relating to other communities living in Balochistan, who happen to be peaceful.

Although Kalati-Balochistan was ruled by Afghanistan for centuries, the Pashtun and Baloch/Brahuis have lived without any major grievances against each other. After 1970 the Baloch and Pashtun sub-nationalist parties have been establishing coalition governments in the province. One of the major reasons why they have lived without any confrontation is that Baloch and Pashtun territories are sharply segregated via natural terrains. However, following the influx of Afghan refugees into the province, Baloch nationalists have apprehended that they are on the verge of becoming a minority, notwithstanding that all who call themselves Baloch are racially not Baloch at all. Pashtun nationalists believe that Baloch should not be worried about Afghan refugees as long as they live in the Pashtun territories.

Southern Balochistan has been facing issues of militancy, terrorism, and a Baloch/Brahui separatist movement. It has adversely affected the social-economic and political development of the entire province. Due to the geographical segregation between Baloch and Pashtun areas, the flames of Baloch militancy have not spilled over into the Pashtun area allowing it to comparatively develop over the years, albeit at a slow pace.While the Baloch region, mostly Southern Balochistan,lags behind in the socio-economic development due to continuing militancy since 2007 and the poor law and order situation.

Multi ethnicity and a multiracial demographic profile of Balochistan is not a weakness, but indeed, a strength of the province. It is time that we recognize Balochistan as home ofvarious ethnic/racial groups including Pashtun, Hazaras, Punjabis, Baloch, and Brahuis.

The current status quo has allowed the Baloch to rule over the Pashtuns, even though many now believe that the Pashtuns are now in majority. It is incumbent upon the academia, intelligentsia,and policymakers to investigate the status quo and provide equal attention to all ethnic communities.

Balochistan is a misnomer, and a gross violation of the human rights is occurring of the other large ethnic groups in the province. There is a need to constitutionally change the name of the province to one which is acceptable to all ethnic groups in the province including the Pashtuns. The new name of the province can be after any geographical feature, mountain, the old name Turan or even Quetta-Kalat Province.

In future censuses, the ethnic groups should be included based on the language they speak and not on the basis of the caste so that the actual population of every ethnic group is represented . By doing so,the false perception that only Baloch live in this province can be eliminated. It will go a long way in managing the socio-economic and political dynamics of the province and will also have a very sobering effect on separatist Baloch/Brahui militants and foreign powers.

Abdul Rehman
Abdul Rehman
The writer is a Research Officer in Balochistan Think Tank Network, BTTN, Quetta

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