The best use of political student unions or organizations is working theoretically and practically on youth to polish them for a better and brighter national future. Unfortunately, things are different in Balochistan: on one side, the state degrades student unions and organizations, and on the other hand, the youth themselves avoid student politics by calling politics ‘a dirty game’ of playing with the psyche of the youth and nation.
We cannot complain to the state for what harshness it practices on Baloch student politics, while the sidelining of Baloch youth, amidst the present humanitarian or Baloch crises, is justifiable in one sense and illogical in the other. It is justifiable in a sense that student politics in the Baloch society is portrayed in a way which only serves a particular group or party interests. It is illogical in the sense that given the present scenario, they can opt for the organizations working solely for common Baloch interests in one way or the other. While the line of difference is already defined between the two forms of present Baloch student organizations.
Baloch politics has a long route beginning from the 1920s (while some others claim it started even earlier) with Abdul Aziz Kurd’s ‘Young Baloch’ which became banned in the next phase as it adopted radical policies. They kept working underground until Yousuf Aziz Magsi’s Anjuman-i-Ittehad-i-Balochan was formed ten years later. The journey went on to form scientific Baloch political parties including the strong Baloch pro-independence Kalat State National Party. When it received independence in 1947, Kalat State had to face a ‘forced merger’ in March 1948, after which things turned the other way unless Baloch youth realized their responsibilities again with various student groups forming in 1950s and 1960s, including Warna Waninda Gall. Then came the Baloch Students Educational Organization (BSEO) in the 1960s, which made way for the formation of historic Baloch Students Organization (BSO) in the same decade that later on turned out to be the mother organization of the Baloch movement in its past and present forms.
Baloch students, then on the platform of BSO, shaped the way for Baloch politics as a whole. They supported the National Awami Party (NAP) in the first and last transparent Pakistani general elections in 1970. But after nine months, the NAP government was overturned in Balochistan and strong Baloch voices were imprisoned including Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri, Sardar Atta Ullah Mengal and Mir Ghous Bakhsh Bizenjo. At such a time when strong Baloch political advocates were imprisoned, BSO took the responsibility to lead the way and supported the then Baloch insurgency (1973-77).
The thing that makes every Baloch student or political worker dejected even today is the division of BSO into various factions. Because the BSO has been a strong advocate of Baloch rights and making strong political cadres, every party and group has tried to manipulate and influence the BSO in their own way so that the BSO only works as a wing for them. From Pakistan People’s Party in the past to the present day political parties, the BSO, in its most factions, has been aimed to serve a party interest by becoming the spokesperson to a party, which has negatively affected Baloch student politics, whether in the past or in the present.
Observing the same scenes in the early 2000s, a group went on to form a new faction of the BSO by aiming to radicalize it which, within a decade, attracted a large number of members from across the Baloch areas. However, owing to their radical approach towards the state, the organization received a ban from the state in 2013. And then plentiful student leaders and members from the organization had to face state crackdown and enforced disappearances, among whom Zakir Majeed and Zahid Kurd Baloch are two leading names. From 2013 to 2018, Baloch student politics was occasionally active in the institutions in Baloch areas. The gap not only deprived Baloch students of their political rights, but also inserted various diseases (apart from physical diseases) after which the Baloch youth began to deem student politics as a ‘dirty place’.
The only way possible to challenge such narratives is for Baloch students not to refrain by standing neutral because neutrality does not exist in societies which do not make their decisions on their own. For a student living in a colony, politics becomes an act of worship. Even if it is dirty, then should we wait for a person from another part of the world to come and make it clean for us? No. We need to understand that no third party will come and do it for us. Baloch youth need to step in to make an impact for national interests and define Baloch student politics as it ought to be in the Baloch ground.
Within such a time when students were getting ‘misdirected’ politically, emerged the Baloch Students Action Committee (BSAC) as a full time organization on the surface which has been working for political rights of Baloch students within institutions and has begun to recreate Baloch political literature to guide the Baloch students and reshape Baloch student politics. In the last five years that BSAC is active on the surface, it has grabbed the Baloch grounds by engaging more Baloch students in study circles, creating literature (particularly in Baloch national languages), promoting scientific culture among Baloch students, ideologically shaping and working with Baloch students, conducting sessions and festivals in Baloch areas and engaging Baloch students in ideological, scientific, educational and practical debates and acts.
The scope of politics is often eyed from what others define as student politics. But since the emergence, Baloch students have been defining Baloch politics in their way to move towards a better end. As Baloch, we are never disconnected with the ground realities around us. At a time when Balochistan is going through a massive humanitarian crisis, limiting student politics to institutions is directly tantamount to opposing the Baloch interests.
Misfortune follows us here where an atmosphere of misconception and confusion has prevailed under which not only are Baloch youth sidelining themselves from actual student politics, but are opposing it from the direct end which is yet another narrative to keep Baloch youth away from the reconstruction of the nation. Because the future of the nation are today’s youth. And without political experiences, they will have a lesser grip over the changing national situations which will further enhance the chances of the youth to not recognize the actual Baloch politicians who are working for Baloch national interests.
The only way possible to challenge such narratives is for Baloch students not to refrain by standing neutral because neutrality does not exist in societies which do not make their decisions on their own. For a student living in a colony, politics becomes an act of worship. Even if it is dirty, then should we wait for a person from another part of the world to come and make it clean for us? No. We need to understand that no third party will come and do it for us. Baloch youth need to step in to make an impact for national interests and define Baloch student politics as it ought to be in the Baloch ground.
