Just a few kilometres away from Kurram is Afghanistan, which serves as the threshold for Central Asian landlocked countries like Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. These countries have no coastline or access to the ocean. Their imports and exports are primarily conducted through land routes. Among these countries, Uzbekistan is a doubly landlocked country. These countries have at least land access to the world for their day-to-day business.
I don’t know what to call a region having no land access to the rest of the world. One would say there exists no such a region. But there is. The Kurram district of KPK. This hapless region has been cut off from the rest of the world for the last three months, making it look like Gaza or even worse as funds and aid, in Gaza, sent by the international community, are allowed, although not at a large scale. But in Kurram, since the blockage began, not even a drop of water has passed through t
While these lines were being written, more than 30 children have died due to a medicine shortage in Kurram. Two people who dared to travel to Peshawar through the blocked road were killed and decapitated mercilessly. The state, this time again, is playing the role of passive spectator, making alibis and prevaricating about its actual duty as usual. Before delving deep into the matter further, one must know the prior history and reason for the conflict in the region,
Kurram, an erstwhile agency of FATA, is a district of the KP province bordering Afghanistan. The hapless region has been the crucible of violence and terror since 1979 when two important events had a direct impact on the region, namely the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the Iranian revolution.
Since then, the region has been a cauldron of sectarian and tribal conflicts. The region served as a door to militants going to Afghanistan to fight the Soviets and coming to Pakistan for training purposes. The Sunni population, more interested in going and helping the Afghan mujahedeen, provided sanctuaries to them in the region. The arrival of refugees and mujahedeen brought with it the culture of weapons and ammunition. The refugees occupied the Shia lands in the region, which became the bone of contention for decades between the two major sects of Islam in the region.
The first violence occurred in 1982 when Shia populations were forced to flee Sadda, a town in the region. Another conflict happened in 1986 when the Shia population living adjacent to the Afghan border refused to allow mujahedeen to enter Afghanistan. In 1988, Arif Hussain Al-Hussaini, a renowned Shia cleric from Parachinar, was shot dead by two terrorists of Sipah-e-Sahaba, which nade protests and demonstrations erupt not only in Parachinar but also across the country.
It is about time the government acted on this matter. If the government and anti-terrorism forces fail to contain a handful of tribal militants, then fighting the TTP and other international militant groups will be a far cry for them. In that case, they will need a complete overhaul of their policies and strategies regarding countering terrorism.
With the arrival of the Taliban in Afghanistan, many militant groups pledged their allegiance to them. The Haqqani network, emboldened by the Taliban’s seizure of power in Afghanistan, started killing Shias in the Kurram agency in 1996, leaving more than 2000 dead. Also, in 2007, the creation of the TTP by Baitullah Mehsud bolstered the local militants who joined it, further deteriorating the peace situation in the region. In April that year, a Sunni armed man opened fire on a procession, which triggered violence, claiming more than 200 lives. This event led to the closure of the Thall-Parachinar road, the only road connecting Parachinar to other parts of the country, for four years. The people had to travel to Afghanistan to reach Peshawar, prolonging the 4-hour distance to 20 hours.
In recent times, 2017 marked the beginning of a series of violent events in the conflict-battered region. In January of that year, an attack was carried out in the local Sabzi Mandi, leaving more than 25 people killed and 87 injured. In June, 25 people died in a car bomb attack near an Imambargah. In April, terrorists targeted a local bus and killed 14 people. The violent back-to-back attacks at the Turi market left more than 90 people dead and 300 injured in total.
More recently, in May 2023, a shooting in a school killed 7 people, including 5 teachers. This event led to another series of clashes until July of that year, when the government brokered a ceasefire for a year. The ceasefire ended this July, and it seemed that the people were waiting for it to end. On 7 July 2024, another series of clashes erupted, killing 49 people in the month, 46 in September, and 16 people in October, according to news reports. The most deplorable of all attacks happened on 21 November when several gunmen ambushed a convoy of vehicles and killed more than a hundred people belonging to the Shia sect. In retaliation, they set fire to the villages of Bagan and Bacha Kot. The clash continues to simmer with no abatement in sight, devouring lives every day. The Thall-Parachinar road, the only road between Peshawar and Parachinar, has remained closed in the latest clash, causing shortages of food, medicines, oil, and other basic commodities in the region.
In short, the conflict in Kurram doesn’t seem to have an end. The government’s role in addressing the sectarianism in the region is out of sight. It is quite ironic when the government says it is trying to bring about a ceasefire. Is it a war between two countries where a third party needs to broker a ceasefire? The state must maintain its writ, come what may. Seeking ceasefires and other tactics only damages its credibility in fighting militants and warmongers. The only solution to this tribal conflict is the de-weaponization of the region. Once the area is de-weaponized, people’s only recourse will be government institutions rather than violence and conflict.
It is about time the government acted on this matter. If the government and anti-terrorism forces fail to contain a handful of tribal militants, then fighting the TTP and other international militant groups will be a far cry for them. In that case, they will need a complete overhaul of their policies and strategies regarding countering terrorism.
