The USA, as a self-declared policeman of the world, has long strived to position itself as the global champion of nuclear non-proliferation and arms control. From the Korean Peninsula to the Middle East, from South Asia to Europe, the American impulse to enforce its own will on the nuclear policies of the states in these regions is an open secret. Nowhere is this more apparent than in South Asia, where the USA has been actively ‘brokering peace in a nuclear environment.’ However, the US doublespeak towards the two nuclear armed states within this region, namely Pakistan and India, is yet another open secret.
The latest iteration of this dual policy came in the December 2024/ January 2025 timeframe. In a surprise move, on 18 December, the US imposed sanctions on four Pakistani entities, one state owned, under the pretext of curbing the country’s missile programme. Allegedly, according to the US Deputy National Security Advisor, the country is preparing to develop missiles which will be capable of reaching the US mainland, thus posing a direct threat to the latter. Meanwhile, in a marked departure, on 6 January 2025, the US National Security Advisor, while speaking at an event in India, announced the easing of longstanding US restrictions which have prevented civil nuclear cooperation between India’s leading nuclear entities and US companies.
If one were to juxtapose this development with the US rationale for putting fresh sanctions on Pakistan, logic would fly out the window. While the sanctions levied on Pakistan were based merely on an accusation of ‘pursuing the development of sophisticated missile technology which would enable the country to strike US’, India has already developed missile technologies capable of this very endeavour. Its Agni-V missile has a stated range of 5000 km, however independent assessments put its range at 8000 km, making it more than capable of reaching the US mainland. In addition, the recent test of its K4 SLBM from the new nuclear-powered submarine INS Arighaat also allows India to target any country in the world, including the USA.
In addition to the strategic implications of this US nuclear prejudice, it also complicates the US-Pakistan diplomatic relationship, especially with a new government coming into power in the former. The out-going US Ambassador to Pakistan Donald Blome, asserted that the future of the US-Pakistan partnership will be defined not by challenges but by opportunities and prosperity. While this is a novel thought, the reality of the relationship, as evident from the continued US exceptionalism in South Asia, is far from the lofty ideal provided by the ambassador. A lot will need to change in terms of the US dual policies in the South Asian region for the two states to build upon any potential opportunities.
Keeping in view the intentions vs. capabilities debate, it is clear that while the USA judges’ Indian advancements vis-à -vis its intentions, it does not employ the same lens for Pakistan. Having clearly stated that its nuclear programme is aimed against a single adversary, namely India, Pakistan still continues to face the brunt of US ire in the form of economic sanctions. The issue here is not whether Pakistan harbours any military ill will towards the USA, which has never been the case; rather the issue is a pervasive pattern of doublespeak from the latter when it comes to Pakistan and India.
The US preferential treatment for India can be traced back to 2005, when the two signed the Indo-US civil nuclear agreement. This was followed by the exceptional Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) waiver in 2008 which has allowed India to conduct civil nuclear deals with upwards of 20 countries. This has freed up the indigenous nuclear reserves within India, allowing it the ability to produce more than 2600 nuclear weapons according to some assessments. The strategic implications for Pakistan, steadfastly ignored by the USA, are staggering.
Pakistan on the other hand, unlike India, has always been reluctant to introduce any new military technologies into the South Asian security mix, another fact which Washington chooses to ignore. This disparate treatment of the two states shows a clear predisposition where Pakistan’s strategic compulsions are ignored or penalised, whereas India’s developments are lauded under the banner of ‘responsible stewardship.’
From a US perspective, this double standard is rooted in a much broader global framework with China becoming a part of the domino effect. However, no matter its reasoning, the selective application of nuclear norms undermines the very regime which the USA claims to be a policeman for. By targeting Pakistan while simultaneously easing restrictions on India, the USA is cementing the perceptions of exceptionalism in the already fragile strategic balance in South Asia. This move is likely to exacerbate Pakistan’s frustration with the USA while emboldening India towards further bellicose actions without the fear of any policing.
In addition to the strategic implications of this US nuclear prejudice, it also complicates the US-Pakistan diplomatic relationship, especially with a new government coming into power in the former. The out-going US Ambassador to Pakistan Donald Blome, asserted that the future of the US-Pakistan partnership will be defined not by challenges but by opportunities and prosperity. While this is a novel thought, the reality of the relationship, as evident from the continued US exceptionalism in South Asia, is far from the lofty ideal provided by the ambassador. A lot will need to change in terms of the US dual policies in the South Asian region for the two states to build upon any potential opportunities.
